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Mani pulite (; ) was a nationwide judicial investigation into political corruption in Italy held in the early 1990s, resulting in the demise of the First Italian Republic and the disappearance of many political parties. Some politicians and industry leaders committed suicide after their crimes were exposed. Antonio Di Pietro was the main judicial figure in charge of the investigation. In some accounts, as many as 5,000 public figures fell under suspicion. At one point, more than half of the members of the Italian Parliament were under indictment, while more than 400 city and town councils were dissolved because of corruption charges. The estimated value of bribes paid annually in the 1980s by Italian and foreign companies bidding for large government contracts reached US$4 billion (6.5 trillion Italian lira).
The corrupt system uncovered by the investigation was referred to as Tangentopoli (). The term derives from Italian tangente, which means "kickback", and in this context refers to kickbacks given for public works contracts, and Greek polis meaning "city"; it is thus sometimes translated as " Bribesville" or " Kickback City". Former Italian prime minister Bettino Craxi became the main figure of the scandal and defended himself by saying that all parties did what he was accused of; Craxi, who fled to Hammamet, Tunisia, in 1994, was convicted twice for corruption and illicit financing to political parties and had four more trials pending by the time of his death in 2000. The Italian Communist Party (PCI) and some of its former members, mainly of its right wing, were also investigated but were acquitted.
The media impact and the climate of public indignation that followed were such as to decree the collapse of the then political system and the beginning of the Second Italian Republic, as historical parties, such as Christian Democracy (DC) and the Italian Socialist Party (PSI) dissolved, being replaced in Parliament in subsequent elections by newly formed parties, or those that had previously been in the minority or opposition, such as the Federation of the Greens (FdV) and Lega Nord (LN). Even without a formal change of regime, there was a profound change in the party system and a turnover of part of its national representatives. Eventually, all four parties in the 1992 government disappeared, at different times in different ways: the DC, the PSI, the Italian Democratic Socialist Party (PSDI), and the Italian Liberal Party (PLI). The Democratic Party of the Left (PDS), the Italian Republican Party (PRI), and the Italian Social Movement (MSI) were the only surviving national parties; the PRI is the only one that maintained its name since.
In April 1992, many industrial figures and politicians from both the government and the opposition were arrested on charges of corruption. While the investigations started in Milan, they quickly spread to other areas as more politicians confessed. Fundamental to this increased exposure was the general attitude of the main politicians to drop support for subordinates who got caught; this made many of them feel betrayed, and they often implicated many other figures, who in turn would implicate even more. On 2 September 1992, the PSI politician Sergio Moroni, who had been charged with corruption, killed himself, leaving behind a letter declaring that his crimes were not for his personal gain but for the party's benefit.
On 25 March 1993, the Parliament changed municipal electoral law in favor of a majoritarian system. Later on 18 April 1993, the public overwhelmingly backed the abrogation of the existing proportional representation system in a referendum (mixed-member proportional representation was introduced that August), causing Amato to resign three days later. Still shocked by the recent events, the Parliament was unable to produce a new government. Carlo Azeglio Ciampi (independent), former governor of the Bank of Italy, was appointed head of the government; he appointed a technical government without political influences. Meanwhile, the Parliament blocked the investigation into Craxi, causing several cabinet ministers including Francesco Rutelli (FdV) and Vincenzo Visco (independent) to resign in protest after three days at their posts. In new local elections on 6 June 1993, the DC lost half of its votes once again; the PSI virtually disappeared. Instead, LN became the strongest political force in northern Italy.
A high note was reached in the Cusani trial when former head of government Arnaldo Forlani (DC), answering a question, simply said: "I don't remember." He happened to be very nervous and did not notice that perspiration was accumulating on his lips, and that image was by many considered symbolic of the people's disgust for the corrupt system. Instead, Craxi admitted that his party received $93 million of illegal funds, defending his actions by saying that "everyone was doing this". Even the LN was implicated in the trial; secretary Umberto Bossi and former treasurer Alessandro Patelli were convicted for receiving 200 million lire of illegal funding (approximately $100,000 at the time).
A bribe to the PCI was alleged but was not established who had committed the offence. A number of Milanese members of the PDS, mainly of the migliorista wing, were charged with corruption during their time as members of the PCI but were acquitted. Prosecutor Antonio Di Pietro stated: "Penal responsibility is personal, I cannot bring here a person with the first name Party and last name Communist." The Enimont trial itself was carried out after the Cusani trial, with much less public interest.
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